Wednesday, October 14, 2015

A00031 - Eugene Chen, Sun Yat Sen's Foreign Minister

"The present scheme of Tuan Chi-jui appears to be the completion of his Master's scheme with the assistance of the Japanese. Though his soul was loaded with great iniquities, Yuan Shih-kai was too astute to lend himself to the furtherance of Japanese aims in China. This is reserved for a mind whose ignorance and stubbornness is interpreted as strength by fools and knaves."

Eugene Chen, "Selling China: A Secret Compact", Peking Gazette, Friday, May 18, 1917.

P.S. The following is an excerpt from the internet site authored by Yuan-tsung ("First Pearl") Chen, the wife of Jack Chen, the son of Eugene Chen (please note the photo of Jack). This excerpt is followed by two fuller biographies of Eugene Chen, the Afro-Chinese Foreign Minister of China under Sun Yat-sen.

RETURN TO THE MIDDLE KINGDOM: ONE FAMILY, THREE REVOLUTIONARIES, AND THE BIRTH OF MODERN CHINA, is published by Union Square Press of Sterling Publishing .
This is an epic story of China’s rebirth as a nation in modern times. As Eugene Chen (my late father-in-law) said in my book, the Chinese people and civilization “had witnessed the rise and fall of empires in the valleys of the Nile and Euphrates…” Where are those empires? But in a sense, the Chinese Empire is still alive and kicking. Few nations have that kind of long continuity. Even fewer can say that their boundaries are hardly less than they have ever been. How come? Well, there is some clue in my book.
Actually my story does not begin with Eugene, but with his father Ah Chen, the first revolutionary of the Chen family. Ah Chen was a landless peasant, and could barely keep himself from dying of hunger, but he dared to dream. In 1850 he joined the Taiping Rebellion; inspired by Christian ideas, he strove with his comrades to establish God’s Kingdom on earth. When the Rebellion was crushed in 1864 by the Manchu Court of Qing Dynasty, Ah Chen refused to hole up in a back country and to be buried alive. He immigrated to Trinidad, then a British colony.
The second revolutionary of the Chen family was Eugene Chen whose Chinese name was Chen Youren, Ah Chen’s eldest son, born in 1878. He finished his education on scholarship and became the first Chinese lawyer in Trinidad. In late 1911, inspired by a speech by Sun Yatsen, the man who led the 1911 Revolution overthrowing the last Manchu Dynasty, Eugene decided to fight for his long-suffering homeland. All he had with him was his remarkable courage, which led him to set off for China, despite not having any knowledge of the maelstrom of Chinese politics that he was about to plunge into.
Thus Eugene embarked on an incredible journey of adventure. He took on warlords, would-be emperor, prime ministers, colonialists. Twice he was imprisoned and twice he escaped from the firing squad. Indeed, Eugene played a leading role, as Sun Yatsen’s closest aid, in preserving the Republic of China. Then he made so bold as to challenge the Allied Powers, led by President Woodrow Wilson, at the Versailles Peace Conference in 1919. Versailles was the Olympus of its time, and the gods were holding court there and deciding the fate of nations. But Eugene stole their  thunder and turned their Holy Mount upside down. This was a true-life story of David versus Goliath.
In 1925 Sun Yatsen died of cancer, and in 1926 Eugene’s wife Aisy also died of cancer. It was at this time, Eugene and Soong Chingling, widow of Sun Yatsen, fell in love. That was the year before the United Front of the Kuomintang (Nationalist Party) and the Communist Party broke up. Eugene’s love affair with Soong Chingling blossomed under an overcast sky with dark clouds  rolling fiercely over their head.
In July of 1927, Eugene ignored the tempting overtures of Chiang Kaishek, the man most responsible for the split. He went with Soong Chingling to Russia on a revolution mission, hoping to get Moscow’s agreement to resuscitate the United Front, minus Chiang Kaishek.
In Moscow, Eugene and his children were royally received, banqueting in the Sugar Palace and watching ballet in the former imperial box, while at the same time they were stabbed in the back: Stalin planned to recognize Chiang Kaishek’s government at Nanjing, letting down the left-wing Kuomintang who refused to collaborate with Chiang, and leaving the Chinese Communist Party without support.
It was during Eugene’s last talk with Stalin that he fully realized how the dictator intended to use him and Chingling in a most demeaning manner in order to appease Chiang Kaishek. Outraged, Eugene went into self-exile in Paris. Since he and Soong Chingling could not go back to Chinatogether and resume their work there, they were forced to go their separate ways. This was a love story taking place in an enormous revolution, tinged with pain mixed with exaltation of an ancient Greek tragedy.
Now let me turn to the third revolutionary of the Chen family Jack, Eugene’s younger son (and my late husband). After his mother’s death, Jack left London for China to join his father in early February of 1927. The United Front was crumbling, and the right-wing Kuomintang generals began to purge the communists. Jack stumbled into Mao Zedong, then a lanky young man with thick, disheveled hair like an unruly peasant lad, and Zhou Enlai, young, handsome, debonair, with a taste for French literature and the beauty of Parisian women.
The two atheists were on the firing line. Jack, a devout Roman Catholic and out of Christian charity, sheltered them. The three young men became friends, and thus began Jack’s journey of Marxist adventure. In serving the revolution, he roamed through nearly all the major metropolises in this world: LondonShanghai, Peking, MoscowTokyoParisAmsterdamNew YorkWashingtonBerlin and so on. He was my Don Quixote, reaching for the unreachable. When I married him in 1958 and then during the violent purge, the Cultural Revolution (1966-1976), I became his female Sancho Panza, doing all the errands that he was not able to do because of his lack of knowledge of the Chinese language and his being arrested by the Red Guards, the hit men of the purge.
In 1969, the Red Guards evicted us from our home and threw us into a slum house. My new neighbors included people who were from what could be described as “the lower depths”, such as a former prostitute, a semi-reformed thief, a beggar-turned-janitor, a cleaning woman who doubled as a bed playmate to her employer, an old witch who practiced black magic. Because many of them fell under the category of urban proletariat, they were more trusted by the Red Guards and had easier access to highly confidential documents which the Red Guards, in the confusion of anarchy and lawlessness, had stolen from the Party archives. Thus my new neighbors provided information necessary for our survival.
With their information as well as that from other sources, I helped Jack decide when to do what. I smuggled out Jack’s letters to his American brother-in-law, Jay Leyda, who was arranging a lecture tour for him in the USA. I managed to meet with Zhou Enlai, the prime minister, at a decisive moment that would finally get us off the Red Guards’ death row.
Writing from a special vantage point, as one of the Chen family and also a participant in the narrative I narrate, I am able to illuminate the historical events and fill quite a few gaps in the history of one of the most vital periods of modern China.
By blending the biographies of the three Chen men with history the way I did, I believe I can make the characters and places come alive, and dramatize the facts with details and anecdotes. The book reads like an intriguing history fused with an extraordinary three-generation family saga.

Jack Chen, Yanan base camp, China, 1938



Eugene Chen

 


CHINA'S DYNAMIC STATESMAN (1878-1944)
EUGENE CHEN, four times Foreign Minister of Chinese government one of the most dynamic political figures of the twentieth-century, was born of Negro-Chinese-Spanish parentage in British West Indies. His family name was Akam.
Education for the law in England, he returned to Trinidad where but because of minor disagreements with the island he decided to cast his lot with the Chinese and left for where he became legal adviser to the Ministry of Communications 1912.
Two years later he founded The Peking Gazette, and being a polemist and fighter who knew but one tactic, a vigorous and attack, he selected as his chief target the strongest foe possible: the North China Daily News, chief spokesman of British interests in the Far East, the defender of capital, and the prestige and power Britain had built up in that region. At that commerce was centered in Shanghai, then a so-called settlement, but this commerce was chiefly for Britain's to some extent that of Japan, then an ally of Financial power was centered in the British Hong Kong Bank. As a result of his onslaughts, Chen was arrested in 1916 and thrown into a narrow cell with five lice-covered However because he was still a British subject and because extraterritoriality yet existed in China, he asserted that he was being illegally held and was released, apparently because of this, in 1917.
Undaunted, he now entered the enemy's stronghold, Shanghai, where he joined Dr. Sun Yat-sen, founder of Nationalist China, and became his personal adviser and private secretary, a position he held until Sun Yat-sen's death in 1925. He also founded The Shanghai Gazette, in which he renewed his attacks on British interests and was again thrown into prison, but was later freed.
In 1919 he was a delegate to the Versailles Conference where he formulated China's demands in clear, unmistakable terms. He demanded, among other things, the abolition of concession territories, insisting that all such be placed under a mixed Chinese and foreign administration with Chinese predominant. This demand later paved the way for China's victory over the extraterritorial powers formerly held by the white governments.
In 1922 he founded the Ming Pao, or People's Tribune, and became chief adviser to the Southern Government of China. In an effort to build up Chinese commerce, not for the benefit of the whites and the Japanese, but the Chinese, he led a strike and a boycott principally against British interests. He asked the Chinese not to speak English and not to use English ships nor to buy and sell British-made goods. This had such effect that in 1926 the British yielded and asked for a conference in which most of Chen's demands were granted and out of which came the Chen-O'Malley Agreement in which Britain returned to China the rich port of Hankow.
In 1927, while Foreign Minister, he was instrumental in preventing war between China on one hand and Britain and the United States on the other. White people had been mobbed by the Chinese in Nanking and from southern China had come terrible rumors of the violation of white women. The result was a great outcry for military intervention and the world "stood at the eve of a war in which the Russian-Asiatic and the capitalistic-western powers would clash." President Coolidge had already dispatched American marines to the scene, but Chen stepped into the breach and in an eloquent note to the white powers expressed China's willingness for peace. He said that he was willing to have the disturbances thoroughly investigated, asking only that the verdict, whether it be for or against China, be just. This frankness had such an effect on President Coolidge that he recalled the marines and in a public address declared for peace to the great discontent of the interests who wanted war in order to gain greater power in China.
The same year, however, due largely to European intrigue there was a split between the Nanking and the Wuhan governments and Chen retired to France, but returned in 1931 to become Foreign Minister of the Canton Government.
While in China Chen married Miss Chang Tsing-ying, daughter of Chang Chen-kiang, head of the Cheking Provincial Government.
The New York Times in its obituary of Chen (May 21, 1944) says:
Eugene Chen, British-born Chinese publisher and politician, was four times Foreign Minister in various Chinese Governments and twice was a refugee when his political fortunes were at low ebb.
An early member of the Kuomintang and one of the first to support Sun Yat Sen, Mr. Chen was at times a bitter enemy of Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek and on other occasions was outwardly his ally. However, since 1941 he had been in Shanghai, apparently harbored by the Japanese, with whom he had on several occasions in the Nineteen Twenties and Nineteen Thirties conducted involved negotiations.
When Chiang Kai-shek was friendly with the Soviet Union Mr. Chen was Foreign Minister of the Russian-dominated Hankow Government, unofficially run by Borodin and Bluecher. In 1927, after the collapse of the Hankow Government, Mr. Chen fled to Russia when Borodin staged his famous "retreat across the Gobi Desert," and with him went other Chinese leaders with left-wing tendencies.

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Eugene Chen 陈友仁 (1878-1944), born in San Fernando, Trinidad, was known in his youth as Eugene Bernard Achan. He was an Overseas Chinese lawyer who in the 1920s became Sun Yat-sen's foreign minister known for his success in promoting Sun's anti-imperialist foreign policies.[2]

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[edit] Early years: an Overseas Chinese discovers China

Chen's father, Chen Guangquan, a member of a Cantonese Hakka family, was known as Joseph Chen or Achan. After taking part in the Taiping Rebellion against the Manchu dynasty, he and his wife fled to the French West Indies, where the French authorities required them to accept the Catholic faith as a condition of immigration. Eugene was the oldest of their three sons. After attending Catholic schools in Trinidad, Eugene Chen qualified as a barrister, and became known as one of the most highly skilled solicitors in the islands.[3] The family did not speak Chinese at home, and since there were no Chinese schools, he also did not learn to read Chinese. It was later said of him that his library was filled with Dickens, Shakespeare, Scott, and legal books, that he "spoke English as a scholar"; "except for his color, neither his living nor his habits were Chinese." [4]
Chen eventually left the island to live in London, where he heard Sun Yat-sen speak at a rally against the Manchu government in China. Sun persuaded him to come to China and contribute his legal knowledge to the new Republic in 1912. Chen took the Trans-Siberian Railroad, and shared the journey with Wu Lien-te, a physician born in Malaysia. Learning that Chen had no Chinese name, Wu suggested "Youren" as the equivalent of "Eugene."
After Sun was forced to flee to Japan in 1913, Chen remained in Peking, where he began a second career in journalism. Chen edited the bilingual Peking Gazette 1915-1917, then founded the Shanghai Gazette, the first of what Sun envisioned as a network of newspapers across China.[5] Chen had given up his initial support for Yuan Shikai and became a strong critic of the government, accusing it of "selling China." [6] In 1918, Chen joined Sun in Canton to support the southern government, which he helped to represent at the Paris Peace Conference, where he resisted Japanese and British plans for China. In 1922, Chen became Sun's closest adviser on foreign affairs, and developed a leftist stance of anti-imperialist nationalism and support of Sun's alliance with the Soviet Union.[7]

[edit] Chen's revolutionary diplomacy

Chen's diplomacy led one historian to call him "arguably China's most important diplomat of the 1920s and instrumental in the rights recovery movement." [8] Chen welcomed Sun's alliance with the Soviet Union, and worked harmoniously with Michael Borodin, the chief Soviet advisor in the reorganization of the Nationalist Party at Canton. After Sun's death in 1925, Chen was elected to the Central Executive Committee and appointed Foreign Minister. Over the next two years, Chen lodged vigorous and articulate protests over continued imperialist policies with the American and British governments, as well as negotiating with the British authorities over the massive labor strikes in Hong Kong. When Chiang Kai-shek's Northern Expedition appeared on the verge of unifying the country, Chen joined the rival Nationalist government at Wuhan. In January 1927, the Nationalists at Wuhan forcibly took control over the foreign concession there, and when violent crowds also took the foreign concession at Kiukiang, foreign warships gathered at Shanghai. Chen's negotiations with the British led to confirmation of Chinese control of the two concessions and this success was hailed as the start of a new revolutionary foreign policy. The situation soon reversed. The foreign powers retaliated for the deadly xenophobic attacks on foreigners by elements of the National Revolutionary Army in Nanking, and Chiang Kai-shek launched White Terror attacks on leftists in Shanghai.[9] Chen sent Borodin, his sons Percy and Jack Chen, and the American leftist journalist Anna Louise Strong in an automotive convoy across Central Asia to Moscow. He, his daughters Si-lan and Yolanda,Mme. Sun Yat-sen, and the American journalist Rayna Prohme traveled from Shanghai to Vladivostok, and once again by Trans-Siberian Railway to Moscow.[10]

1927 Chen and Soong Qingling in Moscow
Life in Moscow was not easy, however. After an initial warm public reception, Stalin showed little tolerance for living symbols of the Soviet failure in China. Chen and Mme. Sun were frustrated in their attempts to establish a leftist Chinese front, and soon left Moscow. After a period of exile in Europe and brief service with governments in China which challenged the Nanking government, Chen was finally expelled from the Guomindang for serving as Foreign Minister in the Fukien Rebellion of 1934. He again took refuge in Europe, but returned to Hong Kong after the outbreak of the war with Japan. He was taken to Shanghai in the spring of 1942 in hopes of persuading him to support the Japanese puppet government, but he remained loudly critical of that "pack of liars" until his death in May, 1944, at the age of 66.[11]

[edit] Chen's family

In 1899, Chen married Agatha Alphosin Ganteaume (1878-1926), a French creole natural daughter of good family. They had eight children, four of whom survived childhood: Percy (1901-1986), a lawyer, worked with his father for many years; (Sylvia) Silan (1905-1996), an internationally known dancer, married the American film historian Jay Leyda; Yolanda (1913- ); and Jack (1908-1995), who made an international reputation as a journalistic cartoonist during the Sino-Japanese War, and who wrote A Year In Upper Felicity, an account of his experience in the countryside during the Cultural Revolution.[12] In 1958 Jack married Chen Yuan-tsung.
After the death of Alphosin in 1926, Chen and Chang Li Ying, or Georgette Chen were married in 1930 and remained together until his death in 1944.

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Eugene Chen: revolutionary and iron-fist diplomat

Eugene Chen (陈友仁), considered by some as China’s “most important diplomat of the 1920s”, was born in Trinidad, then a British colony. His father, Chen Guangquan, known as Achan, was the first revolutionary in the family. Achan took part in the Taiping Rebellion (太平天国运动) against the Qing Dynasty and when the rebellion was crushed by the Manchus, fled the country on a British ship as a stoker which took him to Trinidad.
Eugene was the oldest of Achan's nine children. In 1899, he became the first Chinese lawyer in Trinidad as well as in the Caribbean region, perhaps also in the world. Raised as a Catholic, Eugene did not speak any Chinese. Through his work as a lawyer and property investor, he made a good living in Trinidad.
Eugene Chen. Photo: Courtesy of I-wan Chen
In 1911, when he was living in London, he learned about the revolution in China and decided to come back and serve the country which, despite having never been to, he still considered as his own. He came to Beijing straight from London and worked for the Beiyang Government, then headed by Yuan Shikai (袁世凯), as a legal advisor with the Transportation Ministry. According to I-wan, he submitted his passport to the British Embassy with the words "I am not a British anymore, I am a Chinese."
In 1913, Eugene quit his job with the government and worked as Chief Editor first with the Peking Daily News and then with the Peking Gazette (京报) which he founded. Patriotic and revolutionary, he did what was within his power to support the Chinese revolution, publishing and writing anti-imperialist articles which often contained caustic criticism of the government. These articles brought him to the attention of Sun Yat-sen (孙中山).
In 1915, when Liang Qichao (梁启超), a well-known Chinese scholar and reformist, wrote his famous article 异哉所谓国体问题者against Yuan Shikai’s attempt to revive the Chinese Monarchy, Peking Gazette was the only newspaper to agree to publish it, which was a very brave move. The article was then reprinted by other newspapers and became a big sensation at the time.
On May 18, 1917, he wrote an article titled “Selling China” in which he revealed the secret negotiation between the then premier of Republic of China, warlord Duan Qirui (段祺瑞) and the Japanese on the notorious Twenty-One Demands (二十一条), stirring up a big disturbance in China which landed him in jail. He could have easily avoided the imprisonment by declaring his British citizenship as suggested to him by his friends, but he chose not to do so.
After four months in prison, Eugene was released only to face the closing of his newspaper, another retaliatory act by the government to shut him up. He left Beijing and went south to join Sun Yat-sen. In Shanghai, he established another newspaper Shanghai Gazette (上海时报) as Sun advised, which carried out the same tradition of the Peking Gazette, denouncing the government for yielding to the Japanese imperialists.
In 1918, he joined Sun in Guangzhou, then called Canton, and became his close advisor. To support Sun's revolutionary work, he even persuaded his wife to return to Trinidad and sell all their property.
Eugene Chen. Photo: Courtesy of I-wan Chen
In 1919, he drafted the memorandum which was adopted by the Chinese delegation and submitted to the Versailles Peace Conference in France. While in Paris, he was approached by the Russians who gave him the original copies of the Lansing-Ishii Agreement, a secret agreement between the Americans and the Japanese to transfer the interest of the Germans in Shandong province (山东省) to the Japanese.
Eugene immediately sent one copy to Sun, who published it in China, which was believed to be one of the factors that triggered the history-changing May 4th Movement (五四运动). Another copy was sent to the Republican senator William Borah in the US, and was believed to have played a role in the success of the Republican Party in the coming presidential election.
The famous Three Policies of the Kuomingtang party, “Unite with Russia, Unite with the Communists and Help the Peasants and Workers” (联俄联共,扶助农工) that were issued in 1924 were the brain child of Sun Yat-sen and four KMT veterans, including Eugene Chen, who had become Sun’s close ally and developed a leftist stance of anti-imperialist nationalism and support for Sun's alliance with the Soviet Union. He also drafted Sun’s “Will to Soviet Union”, one of his three wills, the original copy of which was returned to China by the Russian government on the occasion of the 60th anniversary of diplomatic ties between the two countries in 2009.
The apex of Eugene’s diplomatic career came after he became the foreign minister of the Wuhan Government (武汉国民政府). He was mostly remembered for his contribution in recovering the sovereignty of the Hankow & Jiujiang British Concession (汉口、九江英租界) in 1927, which was quite a feat considering China’s weak position at the international stage at the time.
The succesful recovery, to a large extent, was achieved through a clever ruse by Chen. As a lawyer, Eugene knew well that according to the British law, when the property is completely abandoned, the Chinese government has the right to take it back. To that end, he advised to the British who came to him for help fearing for their safety, that they should retreat to their warships on the Yangtze River where they could be protected by the British Navy. So the British left, leaving only the Indian police at the concession who were then invited for drinks and lured away.
The British Government reacted by sending the Indian Fleet to the China Sea, which Eugene had known all along by collecting garbage from the British Consulate and piecing together cables that were sent to London. He knew that the ships would come at the low season which means they cannot came up the river. In the end, the British government was forced to concede and return the sovereignty of the concession back to the Chinese.
In this photo of the third meeting of the second Central Committee of the Kuomingtang on March 10, 1927, Eugene Chen (third from right in the front line) is sitting right in front of Mao Zedong (毛泽东, third from right in the second line). Photo: Courtesy of Chen I-wan
In 1927, Chiang Kai Shek (蒋介石) set up the nationalist government in Nanjing and failed to win the support of Eugene who was loyal to the leftist government in Wuhan. Later that year, he accompanied Song Qingling to Moscow and from there went to Europe. Throughout the rest of his life, he struggled to fight Chiang and his policies which resulted in his repeated exile in Europe during the 1930s.
After the outbreak of China’s war with Japan, Eugene returned to Hong Kong. In 1941, while waiting for a possible appointment as the Chinese representative in the League of Nations, he was captured by the Japanese and put under house arrest. Later he was taken to Shanghai where the Japanese worked hard on him trying to persuade him to take the position of foreign minister in Wang Jingwei’s (汪精卫) puppet government, but without success.
In 1944, Eugene suffered from a tooth illness. A few days after being treated by a Japanese doctor, he passed away. His remains were allegedly reburied in the Babaoshan Revolutionary Cemetery (八宝山革命公墓) in Beijing after the founding of the People’s Republic of China.
Eugene Chen’s grave at Babaoshan. Photo: Courtesy of Chen I-wan

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A rebel Trinidadian, who never learnt to speak Chinese fluently, never even liked Chinese food eventually became the Foreign Minister of China, after establishing himself as the backbone of the government of Sun Yat-Sen, the first president and founding father of the Republic of China.

Eugene Chen, the ultimate Trinidadian was born in San Fernando in 1876, of mixed heritage that included Chinese, African and Spanish.

The St Mary's College graduate became the first lawyer of Chinese descent in the Caribbean having studied in London, after which he returned home to marry a black woman, Agatha Alphonsin Ganteaume, against his parents’ wishes.

But in 1912, Chen left Trinidad aiming to join the Chinese Nationalist Movement, headed by Sun Yat-Sen.
Once in China, he started the Peking Gazette, writing articles against the British colonial powers, in English.

Five years later he fearlessly published an article revealing secret negotiations between the then Premier of China, warlord Duan Qirui and the Japanese, which landed him in jail.

This got the attention of Sun Yat-Sen and four months later, a free man, Eugene left Beijing and went to join Sun in Shanghai, where he established the Shanghai Gazette and became Sun’s confidante and legal advisor.

He led a boycott against the British interest in China, causing Britain to back down and to sign the Chen-O’Malley Agreement in February 1927 which paved the way for Hong Kong to be returned to China 70 years later.

Eugene Chen never returned to Trinidad but died in 1944 branded as one of the most important Chinese diplomats of the 1920s.

In a 1931 publication on China, Time Magazine called Eugene Chen “the brains, the master propagandist of China and a fearless editor in his own right”.
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Feb 3 – Eugene Chen: Lawyer, Statesman and Revolutionary

Eugene Chen
Today marks the start of Chinese New Year: The Year of the Rabbit. In honor of this holiday, today’s profile is of Eugene Chen, born in Trinidad, 133 years ago, of African-Chinese-Spanish parentage.


Born Eugene Barnard Acham (he later took on the name of Chen), to immigrant shopkeepers, he was educated at St. Mary’s College, Port-of-Spain, Trinidad. In 1893, he was admitted to the London Bar Association and subsequently, built a large law practice inTrinidad, with many Chinese and Indian clients.

After being admitted to the Bar, Eugene married the love of his life, Agatha Alphonsin Ganteaume, in 1899 – despite the ‘ironic’ objections of his family. Agatha was the Creole daughter of a French, naval Admiral, who had fled to The West Indies fromFrance, as a supporter of Napoleon. By accounts, Agatha was fun and mischievous and terrorized the nuns at St. Joseph’s Convent, where she attended school. Eugene and Agatha had four children, Percy, Sylvia, Yolanda and Jack. All of their children were accomplished, including Sylvia, who was a star in the New York City Ballet Company and once engaged to Harlem Renaissance, African-American poet, Langston Hughes.

Agatha Alphonsin Ganteaume Chen (Acham)

Chen children in Moscow, with Russian friends
Eugene was able to amass a small fortune from his law practice and a cocoa plantation, which he owned in Manzanilla; but he managed to get himself into serious, financial difficulty; and in 1912, fled to PekingChina to become a legal adviser to the Ministry of Communications – initially leaving his family behind. 1912 also marked the one-year anniversary of the revolution to overthrow the last Imperial Qing Dynasty, led by Dr. Sun Yat Sen – resulting in the creation of the Chinese National People’s Party (a.k.a.  Kuomingtang).

Once in ChinaEugene started three major newspapers, over several years, The Peking GazetteThe Shanghai Gazette andPeople’s Tribune; and eventually became Sun Yat Sen's legal adviser and his Foreign Minister, until the latter’s death in 1925. From 1926-34, Eugene served as the Foreign Minister for three, different Chinese governments.  In the early 1920s, Eugene led a boycott against British commercial interests, which eventually resulted in Britain conceding and signing The Chen-O’Malley Agreement, allowing for Hong Kong to be finally returned toChina, in 1997. Chen was often arrested and jailed for his newspapers’ denouncement of the German, French and British control over China. However, ironically, because he was a British citizen, he was always released.

Chinese Delegation to First League of Nations Meeting, Geneva, 1920
Eugene Chen is front row, second from the right

Time Magazine called Eugene Chen, “The brains of the Chinese Revolution."  Some say that “he blended Marxism, Confucianism and Communism to support his personal agenda for China.” Eugene also spent years working closely with Russian agents to strengthen the Chinese Communist Party. He was exiled to Hong Kong by political rivals in the 1930s, but was able to return toChina several years later, before his death.

Eugene Chen died in China in 1944, ‘under mysterious circumstances’, never having learned to fluently speak Chinese and never having returned to Trinidad. He saw his family sporadically, when time permitted, who had moved fromTrinidad, to the UKChinaRussia and pre-War Germany. He married a second time, in the 1930s after Agatha’s death a few years earlier; and he is buried at The Mountain of Eight Treasures Revolutionary Martyr Cemetery in Beijing.

Eugene Chen's Gravestone

Sunday, June 28, 2015

A00030 - Tariq Aziz, Top Aide to Saddam Hussein




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Tariq Aziz, left, in 1992 at the United Nations as deputy prime minister of Iraq, talking with Chinmaya Rajaninath Gharekhan, the Indian delegate, at a meeting of the Security Council.CreditDon Hogan Charles/The New York Times

Tariq Aziz, the Iraqi foreign minister and deputy prime minister who for decades was the most public face of Saddam Hussein’s government on the world stage, died on Friday in Nasiriya, Iraq, where he had been imprisoned. He was 79.
Adel Aldikhaly, the deputy governor of Nasiriya, said Mr. Aziz had had a heart attack after “a long-term incurable disease” and was transferred from prison to a hospital, where he was declared dead.
Mr. Aziz was a committed Arab Nationalist and Baath Party stalwart whose closeness to Mr. Hussein long predated the strongman’s rise to power. It was said that he was so devoted to Mr. Hussein that he would salute when speaking with him on the telephone.
To American and British viewers of television news, he was the familiar and defiant face of a government at war with the West, first in 1991, then during the American-led bombardment and invasion of 2003 — a figure instantly recognizable by his oversize eyeglasses and love of cigars.



Perhaps more than anyone else, Mr. Aziz, in his fluent English, was able to articulate Mr. Hussein’s often contorted rationales for policies and positions that often eluded Westerners.


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Tariq Aziz in Baghdad in 2002.CreditKarim Sahib/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images

He accurately foresaw some of the havoc the 2003 invasion would wreak in the region. Less than two months before the bombing started, while visiting Pope John Paul II, he urged European countries not to join the march toward war, saying, “It will be interpreted by the Arab and Muslim world as a crusade against the Arabs and against Islam.”
The American claim that Iraq harbored unconventional weapons was, he said, an “invented scenario” and a “bad American movie.”
In the American “deck of cards” of wanted officials from Saddam Hussein’s government, Mr. Aziz was designated the eight of spades and ranked relatively low on the list — No. 43 of the 55 officials — because he was not believed to have substantive information on the location of weapons or on the whereabouts of Mr. Hussein in the weeks after he fled Baghdad.
Mr. Aziz was sentenced to death in 2010 for “the persecution of Islamic parties,” including that of the prime minister at the time, Nuri Kamal al-Maliki, the Dawa Party. But it was never clear what Mr. Aziz had done personally to merit the charge, although he had clearly been a fervent supporter of a despotic and ruthless government.
In interviews in his own defense, Mr. Aziz said that no one had ever accused him specifically. And his defense lawyers asserted that he had been responsible only for Iraq’s diplomatic and political relations — that he had had no ties to the executions and purges carried out by Mr. Hussein’s government.
Even some who became opponents of Mr. Hussein’s government defended Mr. Aziz. Hassan al-Alawi, who was a senior Baath Party member when Mr. Hussein took power but who later fled into exile and then returned after the United States invasion, described the death sentence against Mr. Aziz as payback — a “retaliatory” gesture for his role as foreign minister in gathering international support for Iraq during the Iran-Iraq war.
“Mr. Aziz is innocent, and the death sentence was unfair,” Mr. Alawi said.
He said he believed that the authorities had not carried out the sentence knowing that Mr. Aziz was sick and likely to die in jail.
In the early days of the Hussein government, Mr. Aziz had relatively good relations with the United States, serving as a buffer between his government and the Reagan administration as it sought to navigate the twists and turns in the Iraqi-American relationship. American relations with Iraq were far closer after the Iranian revolution in 1979 than they were by 1990, after President George Bush had entered the White House.
Before the first American-led invasion of Iraq in 1991, Mr. Aziz tried to justify Iraq’s invasion of Kuwait in 1990, saying that it resulted from a failure by Kuwait to reduce oil production and that it appealed to Arab nationalist sentiment.
Kuwait’s increased production was bringing down oil prices, he said, costing Iraq billions of dollars every year. The Iraqis, he said, viewed that as part of a conspiracy to damage their country.


Photo

Mr. Aziz in 2004, in a courtroom that was once the palace of Saddam Hussein.CreditPool photo by Karen Ballard

It was “a deliberate conspiracy against Iraq, by Kuwait, organized, devised by the United States,” Mr. Aziz said in aninterview for a “Frontline” oral history series on PBS.
He believed that the interests of the United States were driven by its desire to control Iraqi oil and support Israel, and he promulgated that view throughout the 2003 invasion.
During the American invasion, even as Iraqi troops were crumbling in the south and bombs were falling on Baghdad, Mr. Aziz put on a show of invincibility, assuring the few international news organizations that were still in Baghdad that Iraqi troops were standing firm.
Like his boss, Mr. Aziz was above all an Arab nationalist, who fervently believed his path and that of Mr. Hussein would bring Iraq to power in the region. In an interview in prison in 2010 he told The Guardian that he would not speak of his regrets until he was released.
“I am proud of my life because my best intention was to serve Iraq,” he said.
But he expressed regret about being in prison. If he could change one thing, he said, he would have been “martyred” rather than have surrendered. Although he allowed that he did get something enormously important to him: the protection of his family.
“The war was here, and Baghdad had been occupied,” he said. “I am loyal to my family, and I made a major decision: I told the Americans that if they took my family to Amman, they could take me to prison. My family left on an American plane, and I went to prison on a Thursday.”
His son helped to arrange his surrender to the Americans on April 24, 2003.
Mr. Aziz was born in northern Iraq, near the city of Mosul, on April 28, 1936, to a Chaldean Christian family. (He was later the sole Christian to serve as a senior cabinet member under Mr. Hussein.) His name in Syriac, which is still used among Chaldean Christians, was Mikhail Yuhanna (Michael John). Information on his survivors was not immediately available.
He joined the Baath Party after studying English at Baghdad University, changing his name so that it would sound more Arabic. He became the editor of two newspapers, including Al Thawra, the official Baath Party paper.
Rising through the party ranks, Mr. Aziz eventually became a member of the Revolutionary Command Council, deputy prime minister and foreign minister. In a government known for distrust and betrayals as well as sudden falls from grace, Mr. Aziz was a survivor, who won and held Mr. Hussein’s trust for longer than almost any other close aide.
In his 2010 interview with The Guardian, he indicated that he had remained a believer in the idea that Iraq needed a dictator.
“There is nothing here anymore — nothing,” he said. “For 30 years Saddam built Iraq, and now it is destroyed.”
_______________________________________________________________________________
Tariq Aziz (Arabicطارق عزيز‎ Ṭāriq ʿAzīz, born Mikhail YuhannaSyriacܡܝܟܐܝܠ ܝܘܚܢܢ Mīḵāil YōḥānonArabicميخائيل يوحنا‎ Mīḫāʾīl Yūḥannā, baptized Manuel Christo; 28 April 1936 – 5 June 2015) was an Iraqi Foreign Minister (1983–1991) and Deputy Prime Minister (1979–2003) and a close advisor of President Saddam Hussein. Their association began in the 1950s when both were activistsfor the then-banned Arab Socialist Ba'ath Party. Although he was an Arab Nationalist he was in fact an ethnic Chaldean, and a member of the Chaldean Catholic Church.[1][2][3]
Because of security concerns, Saddam rarely left Iraq, so Aziz would often represent Iraq at high-level diplomatic summits. What the United States wanted, he averred, was not "regime change" in Iraq but rather "region change". He said that the Bush Administration's reasons for war were "oil and Israel."[4]
After surrendering to American forces on 24 April 2003, Aziz was held in prison, first by American forces and subsequently by the Iraqi government, in Camp Cropper in western Baghdad.[5] He was acquitted of some charges on 1 March 2009 following a trial, but was sentenced to 15 years on 11 March 2009 for the executions of 42 merchants found guilty of profiteering in 1992 and another 7 years for relocating Kurds.[6]
On 26 October 2010, he was sentenced to death by the Iraqi High Tribunal, which sparked regional and international condemnation from Iraqi bishops and other Iraqis, the Vatican, the United Nations, the European Union and the human rights organization Amnesty International, as well as various governments around the world, such as Russia.[7] On 28 October 2010, it was reported that Tariq Aziz, as well as 25 fellow prison inmates, had begun a hunger strike to protest the fact that they could not receive their once-monthly visit from friends and relatives, which was normally set for the last Friday of each month.[8]
Iraqi President Jalal Talabani declared that he would not sign Aziz's execution order, thus commuting his sentence to indefinite imprisonment.[9] He remained in custody the rest of his life, and died of a heart attack in the city of Nasiriyah on 5 June 2015 aged 79.[10]

Early life and education[edit]

File:Shakinghands high.OGG
Aziz accompanies Saddam Hussein during a visit from Donald Rumsfeld,Ronald Reagan's then-special envoy to the Middle East on 19–20 December 1983. Rumsfeld later became the U.S. Secretary of Defense who led the coalition forces in 2003 against Iraq.
Mikhail Yuhanna (English: Michael John) was born on 28 April 1936 in the Chaldean Christian town of Tel Keppe in northern Iraq,[11] to an ethnic Chaldean family, members of the Chaldean Catholicchurch. Yuhanna studied English at Baghdad University, and later worked as a journalist, before joining the Ba'ath Party in 1957. He changed his distinctly Christian name to the more Arabic sounding Tariq Aziz to gain acceptance among the Arab and Muslim majority. In 1963, he was editor of the newspaper Aj-Jamahir (al-Jamaheer) and al Thawra, the newspaper of the Ba'ath party.[12]

Political career[edit]


Ronald Reagan hosts Aziz at the White House, 1984

Aziz with Russian President Vladimir Putin at the Kremlin on 26 July 2000.
He began to rise through the ranks of Iraqi politics after the Ba'ath party came to power in 1968. Aziz became close to Saddam who heavily promoted him. He served as a member of the Regional Command, the Ba'ath Party's highest governing organization from 1974 to 1977, and in 1977 became a member of Hussein's Revolutionary Command Council.[13]
In 1979, Aziz became Deputy Prime Minister of Iraq, and worked as a diplomat to explain Iraq's policies to the world. In April 1980 he survived an Iranian-backed assassination attempt carried out by members of the Islamic Dawa Party. In the attack, members of Islamic Dawa Party threw a grenade at Aziz in central Baghdad. The attack killed several people.[14] It was among the casus belli of theIran–Iraq War.[15]
When Iraq invaded Kuwait in 1990, Tariq Aziz served as the international spokesman in support of the military action. He claimed the invasion was justified because Kuwait's increased oil production was harming Iraqi oil revenues. He condemned Arab states for "subservience to the United States' hegemony in the Middle East and their support for punitive sanctions."[16] On 9 January 1991, Aziz was involved in the Geneva Peace Conference which included the United States Secretary of State, James Baker. The goal of the meeting was to discuss a possible resolution to the occupation of Kuwait.[13]

Iraq war[edit]

In October 2000, the then-junior Minister for Foreign Affairs from Britain, Peter Hain, set up a secret war avoidance team to carry messages back and forth between himself and Aziz.[17] After initial cooperation, Aziz rebuffed the delegations.[17]
On 14 February 2003, Aziz reportedly had an audience with Pope John Paul II and other officials in Vatican City, where, according to a Vatican statement, he communicated "the wish of the Iraqi government to co-operate with the international community, notably on disarmament". The same statement said that the Pope "insisted on the necessity for Iraq to faithfully respect and give concrete commitments to resolutions of the United Nations Security Council, which is the guarantor of international law".[18]

Weapons of mass destruction[edit]

Shortly after the invasion of Iraq, President George W. Bush claimed Tariq Aziz as one of the Iraqi regime who was responsible for hiding Iraqi WMD:[19]
President Bush expressed unshakable confidence Saturday about finding banned weapons in Iraq and complained that Tariq Aziz, one of Saddam Hussein's closest deputies, is not cooperating with U.S. forces who have him in custody. Bush said the deputy prime minister, the most visible face of the former Iraqi government other than Hussein, 'still doesn't know how to tell the truth.'
USA Today, 3 May 2003

Detention[edit]

He voluntarily surrendered to American forces on 24 April 2003, after negotiations had been mediated by his son.[20] His chief concern at the time was for the welfare of his family. At the time of his surrender, Aziz was ranked number 43 out of 55 in the American list of most-wanted Iraqis despite a belief "he probably would not know answers to questions like where weapons of mass destruction may be hidden and where Saddam Hussein might be."[20]
Before the war, Aziz claimed he would rather die than be a U.S. prisoner of war: "Do you expect me, after all my history as a militant and as one of the Iraqi leaders, to go to an American prison – to go toGuantanamo? I would rather die", he told Britain's ITV.[21]

Defense witness[edit]

On 24 May 2006, Aziz testified in Baghdad as a defense witness for Ibrahim Barzan and Mukhabarat employees, claiming that they did not have any role in the 1982 Dujail crackdown. He stated that the arrests were in response to the assassination attempt on Saddam Hussein, which was carried out by the Shiite Dawa Party. "If the head of state comes under attack, the state is required by law to take action. If the suspects are caught with weapons, it's only natural they should be arrested and put on trial".[22]
He further testified that the Dujail attack was "part of a series of attacks and assassination attempts by this group, including against me." He said that in 1980, Dawa Party insurgents threw a grenade at him as he visited a Baghdad university, killing civilians around him. "I'm a victim of a criminal act conducted by this party, which is in power right now. So put it on trial. Its leader was the prime minister and his deputy is the prime minister right now and they killed innocent Iraqis in 1980," he said.[22] The Dawa Party is now a party in the Shiite coalition that dominates the Iraqi government. The party's leader, Ibrahim al-Jaafari, was prime minister until mid-May, when another leading Dawa Party figure, Nouri al-Maliki, was picked and he was able to form a new government before the end of May 2006.[23]
In his closing remarks, he stated that "Saddam is my colleague and comrade for decades, and Barzan is my brother and my friend and he is not responsible for Dujail's events."[24]

Imprisonment[edit]

On 29 May 2005, the British newspaper The Observer published letters (in Arabic and English) from Aziz written in April and May 2005, while he was in American custody, addressed to "world public opinion" pleading for international help to end "his dire situation":[25][26]
It is imperative that there is intervention into our dire situation and treatment ... We hope that you will help us. We have been in prison for a long time and we have been cut from our families. No contacts, no phones, no letters. Even the parcels sent to us by our families are not given to us. We need a fair treatment, a fair investigation and finally a fair trial. Please help us.
—Tariq Aziz, prison letter, April 2005
In August 2005, Aziz's family was allowed to visit him. At the time the location of Aziz's prison was undisclosed; his family was brought in a bus with blackened out windows.[27]
For security reasons he was later moved to Camp Cropper, part of the huge US base surrounding Baghdad airport.[28] His son said that while his father was in poor health, he was being well treated by prison officials. He could make 30 minutes of telephone calls monthly and had access to US Arabic-language radio and television stations. Every two months his family could send a parcel containing clothes, cigarettes, chocolate, coffee and magazines.[28]
The spiritual leader of Iraq's Chaldean Catholic community, Emmanuel III Delly, called for Aziz's release in his 2007 Christmas message. Aziz was acquitted of crimes against humanity.[29]
On 17 January 2010, Aziz suffered a stroke and was transferred from prison to hospital.[30] On 5 August 2010, The Guardian released his first face-to-face interview since his surrender.[31] On 22 September 2010, documents were released that he had given an interview about how he had told the FBI that the dictator Hussein was "delighted" in the 1998 terrorist bombings of two U.S. embassies in East Africa but had no interest in partnering with Osama bin Laden.[32]

Trial[edit]

Aziz was set to appear before the Iraqi High Tribunal set up by the Iraq Interim Government, but not until April 2008 was he brought up on any charges.[29] This changed when, on 29 April 2008, Aziz went on trial over the deaths of a group of 42 merchants who were executed by the Iraqi regime in 1992, after the merchants had been charged by the Iraqi regime with manipulating food prices when Iraq was under international sanctions.[33]
The charges brought against Aziz were reported by The Independent to be "surprising" as the deaths of the 42 merchants had always previously been attributed to Saddam Hussein.[34] Nevertheless, on 11 March 2009 the Iraqi High Tribunal ruled that Aziz was guilty of crimes against humanity, and he was sentenced to 15 years in prison.[35] On 2 August 2009, Aziz was convicted by the Iraqi High Tribunal of helping to plan the forced displacement of Kurds from northeastern Iraq and sentenced to seven years in jail.[36] After these judgments had been passed, the BBC News published an article stating that, "there was no evidence that a Western court would regard as compelling that he had anything like final responsibility for the carrying out of the executions" of the 42 merchants and "there was no real evidence of his personal involvement and guilt" with regards to the displacement of Kurds.[37] That same year, he was acquitted in a separate trial which concerned the suppression of an uprising in Baghdad during the 1990s.[35]
On 26 October 2010, the Iraqi High Tribunal handed down a death sentence against Aziz for the offense of "persecution of Islamic parties,"[38] amongst them the serving Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki's Islamic Dawa Party, following a crackdown on a Shia uprising after the 1991 Gulf War.[28] The Associated Press reports that "the judge gave no details of Aziz's specific role" in the crackdown.[39] His lawyer stated that Tariq Aziz's role in the former Iraqi government was in the arena of "Iraq's diplomatic and political relations only, and had nothing to do with the executions and purges carried during Hussein's reign."[40] His lawyer further stated that the death sentence itself was politically motivated and that timing of the death sentence may have been aimed at diverting international attention away from documents released by WikiLeaks, which detailed crimes in which Maliki government officials have been implicated.[41] His lawyers have 30 days to lodge an appeal, following which the court would have another 30 days to look into the appeal; if the appeal is turned down the sentence would be carried out after another 30 days.[41] On 26 October 2010 the Vatican urged the Iraqi government not to carry out his execution,[39] and European Union foreign policy chief Catherine Ashton stated that Aziz's execution would be "unacceptable and the EU will seek to commute his sentence."[42] That same day, the human rights organization Amnesty International issued a statement condemning the use of the death penalty in this case, as well as for the cases of two other former Iraqi officials; the statement also expressed concern regarding the manner in which trials may have been conducted by the Iraqi High Tribunal.[43] On 27 October 2010, Greek President Karolos Papoulias and the Russian Foreign Ministry both released statements urging the Iraqi government not to carry out the death penalty against Tariq Aziz.[44][45] Also on 27 October 2010, a spokesperson for United Nations Secretary General Ban Ki-Moon was reported to have "stressed that the UN is against the death sentence and in this case, as in all others, it is calling for the verdict to be cancelled."[46] On 28 October 2010, it was reported that some Iraqi Bishops and many ordinary Iraqis also condemned the death penalty for Tariq Aziz.[47] Furthermore, according to the Wall Street Journal, "several international human-rights groups have criticised the procedures and questioned the impartiality of the court."[48]
According to AFP, his family stated that Aziz, along with 25 fellow inmates, had been on a hunger strike following the sentence to protest the denial of their once-monthly visits with family and friends, but an Iraqi court official has denied this.[49]According to AFP, Aziz and the other prisoners were "still at the site of the court in Baghdad’s Green Zone and had not been transferred back to prison where they could have received their monthly visit."
On 17 November 2010, it was reported that Iraqi President Jalal Talabani had declared that he would not sign Aziz's execution order.[9][50]
On 5 December 2011, Saad Yousif al-Muttalibi, an adviser to the Prime Minister, indicated that the execution of Aziz would "definitely take place" after the withdrawal of American forces.[51]

Family[edit]

In 2001, his son Ziad was arrested for corruption. In January 1999 Ziad was accused by his former mistress of using the official position of his father (mostly his cars) to facilitate smooth crossing of the Jordanian border with contraband, attempted murder of her husband and family, as well as for corruption involving French and Indonesian companies. He was arrested and sentenced to 22 years in prison. Aziz resigned from his post but Hussein did not accept his resignation.[52]Ziad was eventually released from prison when Hussein decided that Aziz had paid enough for his mistakes.[53]
Ziad Aziz now lives in Jordan with his wife, four children, and Tariq Aziz's two sisters. Tariq Aziz's wife and another son live in Yemen.[54]

Death[edit]

Tariq Aziz died on 5 June 2015 in al-Hussein hospital in the city of Nasiriyah, aged 79.[55][56] According to his lawyer, he was being treated well in prison but suffered from ill health and simply wanted an end to his "misery". The incarcerated Aziz suffered from depression, diabetes, heart disease, and ulcers.[57]

_______________________________________________________________________________

Tariq Aziz, also spelled Ṭāriq ʿAzīz, original name Mikhail Yuhanna   (b. April 28, 1936, Qaḍā Talkīf, Iraq — d. June 5, 2015, Al-Nāṣiriyyah, Iraq), was an Iraqi public official who served as foreign minister (1983–91) and deputy prime minister (1979–2003) in the Ba'thist government of Saddam Hussein.

Tariq Aziz was born Mikhail Yuhanna to a Chaldean Catholic family in northern Iraq. He studied English at Baghdad University and worked as a journalist after earning his degree. Beginning in 1958, he wrote for a series of Iraqi newspapers, and he became involved with the Baʿth Party. He changed his name to Tariq Aziz (Arabic for “glorious past”) to appeal to the party’s predominantly Muslim membership, and he became acquainted with Saddam Hussein. Aziz worked for the Baʿthist press in Syria in the mid-1960s, a period that saw the party’s fortunes rise and fall frequently, and he was named chief editor of Al-Thawra, the party’s official newspaper, in 1969.

As the Baʿth Party secured its hold on power in the early 1970s, Aziz held a number of government positions. In 1972 he was made a member of the Revolutionary Command Council’s General Affairs Bureau, and two years later he was named Minister of Information. He held that post until 1977. In that year he was also elected as a Baʿth Party regional leader. On July 16, 1979, Saddam, who had functioned as Iraq’s de facto leader during the final years of President Ahmad Hasan al-Bakr's rule, became President of Iraq, and Aziz was appointed Deputy Prime Minister. Aziz would remain in that position for almost a quarter century, notable as the only Christian in Saddam’s inner circle of advisers. In April 1980 he survived an assassination attempt, reportedly orchestrated by Iran, that was later presented by Saddam as a casus belli for the Iran-Iraq War. 

In January 1983 Aziz was made Minister of Foreign Affairs, and it was in this role that the bespectacled cigar-smoking diplomat served as Iraq’s face to the Western world. He won United States support for the war against Iran, and, after meeting with United States President Ronald Reagan in 1984, he secured the restoration of diplomatic relations between Iraq and the United States. Skillfully appealing to both sides in the Cold War, he also strengthened military and economic ties with the Soviet Union. With Iraq weakened by eight years of war, Saddam eyed the oil revenues of nearby Kuwait. Throughout 1989–90, as military conflict loomed, Aziz was dispatched to seek assurances of nonintervention from the United States and Arab countries. They were slow to materialize, and support for Iraq—even among its traditional allies—evaporated shortly after its August 2, 1990, invasion of Kuwait. During the Iraqi occupation of Kuwait, Aziz appealed the Iraqi case to the United Nations, and his fluency in English made him a regular guest on Western news programs.

After the Persian Gulf War, which saw the Iraqi military routed and driven from Kuwait, Iraq found itself isolated diplomatically and economically, and Aziz was relieved of his foreign affairs portfolio. He remained Deputy Prime Minister, however, and in this role he spent much of the next decade portraying Iraq as the victim of American designs on the Middle East. He played a much smaller role in the diplomatic maneuvering that preceded the beginning of the Iraq War in 2003, and he surrendered to United States forces shortly after the fall of Baghdad. He remained in United States custody from April 2003 to July 2010, when he was transferred to Iraqi custody. Like other senior Baʿthists, Aziz was tried on numerous charges, and in October 2010 he was sentenced to death for crimes against Islamic political parties during Saddam’s reign. His death sentence was never carried out, however, and he died in prison in 2015.
_________________________________________________________________________Tariq Aziz, also spelled Ṭāriq ʿAzīz, original name Mikhail Yuhanna   (born April 28, 1936, Qaḍā Talkīf, Iraq—died June 5, 2015, Al-Nāṣiriyyah, Iraq), Iraqi public official who served as foreign minister (1983–91) and deputy prime minister (1979–2003) in the Baʿthist government of Saddam Hussein.
Tariq Aziz, also spelled Ṭāriq ʿAzīz, original name Mikhail Yuhanna   (born April 28, 1936, Qaḍā
Tariq Aziz was born Mikhail Yuhanna to a Chaldean Catholic family in northern Iraq. He studied English at Baghdad University and worked as a journalist after earning his degree. Beginning in 1958, he wrote for a series of Iraqi newspapers, and he became involved with the Baʿth Party. He changed his name to Tariq Aziz (Arabic for “glorious past”) to appeal to the party’s predominantly Muslim membership, and he became acquainted with Saddam Hussein. Aziz worked for the Baʿthist press in Syria in the mid-1960s, a period that saw the party’s fortunes rise and fall frequently, and he was named chief editor of Al-Thawra, the party’s official newspaper, in 1969.
As the Baʿth Party secured its hold on power in the early 1970s, Aziz held a number of government positions. In 1972 he was made a member of the Revolutionary Command Council’s General Affairs Bureau, and two years later he was named minister of information. He held that post until 1977. In that year he was also elected as a Baʿth Party regional leader. On July 16, 1979, Saddam, who had functioned as Iraq’s de facto leader during the final years of Pres. Aḥmad Ḥasan al-Bakr’s rule, became president of Iraq, and Aziz was appointed deputy prime minister. Aziz would remain in that position for almost a quarter century, notable as the only Christian in Saddam’s inner circle of advisers. In April 1980 he survived an assassination attempt, reportedly orchestrated by Iran, that was later presented by Saddam as a casus belli for the Iran-Iraq War.
In January 1983 Aziz was made minister of foreign affairs, and it was in this role that the bespectacled cigar-smoking diplomat served as Iraq’s face to the Western world. He won U.S. support for the war against Iran, and, after meeting with U.S. Pres. Ronald Reagan in 1984, he secured the restoration of diplomatic relations between Iraq and the United States. Skillfully appealing to both sides in the Cold War, he also strengthened military and economic ties with the Soviet Union. With Iraq weakened by eight years of war, Saddam eyed the oil revenues of nearby Kuwait. Throughout 1989–90, as military conflict loomed, Aziz was dispatched to seek assurances of nonintervention from the United States and Arab countries. They were slow to materialize, and support for Iraq—even among its traditional allies—evaporated shortly after its August 2, 1990, invasion of Kuwait. During the Iraqi occupation of Kuwait, Aziz appealed the Iraqi case to the United Nations, and his fluency in English made him a regular guest on Western news programs.


After the Persian Gulf War, which saw the Iraqi military routed and driven from Kuwait, Iraq found itself isolated diplomatically and economically, and Aziz was relieved of his foreign affairs portfolio. He remained deputy prime minister, however, and in this role he spent much of the next decade portraying Iraq as the victim of American designs on the Middle East. He played a much smaller role in the diplomatic maneuvering that preceded the beginning of the Iraq War in 2003, and he surrendered to U.S. forces shortly after the fall of Baghdad. He remained in U.S. custody from April 2003 to July 2010, when he was transferred to Iraqi custody. Like other senior Baʿthists, Aziz was tried on numerous charges, and in October 2010 he was sentenced to death for crimes against Islamic political parties during Saddam’s reign. His death sentence was never carried out, however, and he died in prison in 2015.